Sunday, November 25, 2007

Pasar Industri Kosmetika dan Toiletries di Indonesia

by Wahyuana

Industri kosmetika dan toiletries seperti tak mengenal krisis. Ketika terjadi krisis ekonomi tahun 1998-1999 di Indonesia, yang menyebabkan turunnya semua pangsa pasar kebutuhan produk industri, pasar kosmetika dan toiletries tetap tumbuh. Hal ini karena kosmetika tak lagi hanya sekedar menjadi kebutuhan gaya hidup, tetapi telah menjadi salah satu kebutuhan pokok masyarakat modern. Orang tak lagi merasa bersih, kalau mandi tanpa menggunakan sabun dan keramas memakai shampo. Demikian juga orang tak lagi akan percaya diri, jika keluar rumah dan bergaul dengan teman-temannya tanpa menggunakan parfum atau deodorant.

Demikian juga kebutuhan akan toiletries terus tumbuh meningkat. Dengan jumlah penduduk 250 juta jiwa, potensi pasar kosmetika dan toiletries Indonesia masih sangat besar dan potensial.
Tak heran pertumbuhan pasar kosmetika dan toiletries di Indonesia tiap tahun tumbuh cukup stabil, berdasarkan data sejumlah lembaga riset pasar, diperkirakan tumbuh sekitar 15-20% per tahun. Data dari Perkosmi (Persatuan Perusahaan Kosmetika Indonesia) memperkiraan omset pasar kosmetika dan toiletries tahun ini sekitar Rp. 18 trilyun. Tahun depan diperkirakan jumlahnya akan tumbuh sekitar 20% atau akan mendekati sekitar Rp. 22 trilyun. Dari jumlah itu, omset terbesar disumbangkan oleh pasar produk-produk toiletries yang menguasai hampir 75% dari pasar industri kosmetika dan toiletries, atau omsetnya sekitar Rp. 13 trilyun di tahun 2007 ini. Sedangkan produk-produk kosmetika menyumbang 25% dari omset, atau sekitar Rp. 5 trilyun di tahun 2007 ini.

Jumlah perusahaan kosmetika dan toiletries di Indonesia saat ini, menurut data Perkosmi, sekitar 744 perusahaan berskala besar, menengah dan kecil. Dari total jumlah perusahaan kosmetik dan toiletries yang tergabung dalam Perkosmi itu, sekitar 500 perusahaan di antaranya berskala Usaha Kecil Menengah. Banyaknya jumlah perusahaan ini, karena memang kebutuhan pasar kosmetik domestik yang besar, yang sebagian besar masih dipenuhi oleh produk-produk dari perusahaan-perusahaan lokal... more...

Published at JIEF Magazine

Saturday, October 20, 2007

Biksu di Persimpangan Jalan Burma

Biara Theik Pan Kyaung di kawasan Bahan, Rangoon, tampak sepi ditinggal para biksu penghuninya. Kompleks biara berupa panggung setinggi setengah meter dan bangunan yang semua serba kayu itu tampak kotor dan tak terawat.

Kepala biara, U Pandavamsa, sudah dua pekan ini tidak muncul di biara. Tamu-tamu, yang biasanya antre untuk berbagai keperluan konsultasi, tak tampak lagi. Tak ada yang tahu ke mana dia pergi sejak dia ikut ambil bagian dalam demonstrasi menentang junta militer Burma pada akhir September lalu.



Sempat ada kabar ia telah menyeberang ke Mae Sot, Thailand. Ada pula kabar yang menyebutkan bahwa ia tengah berada di hutan sebelah utara, menghindari Rangoon. Tak ada kabar yang memastikan posisinya, tapi sebuah pesan telah mengabarkan bahwa ia selamat, tak kurang suatu apa.

"Biara-biara utama di Rangoon kosong. Para biksu telah pergi menghindari amukan junta," ujar Ko Swe, wartawan Beauty Magazine, dari pusat Kota Rangoon pada Senin lalu.



Sejak penyerbuan Batalion 66 ke Biara Shwe Taung Maw dan Ngwe Kyar Yan di tengah Rangoon pada 26 September lalu dan menewaskan biksu U Sendima, semua biara di Rangoon sepi ditinggalkan penghuninya.

Junta militer Burma menyebar mata-mata ke seluruh biara. Kawasan Pagoda Shwedagon, pusat orientasi spiritual Buddha Terravada Burma yang berada di Rangoon, masih ditutup lokasinya. Para peziarah dilarang masuk. Hanya sejumlah kecil samanera (biksu pelajar anak-anak) yang terlihat di pagi hari membawa mangkuk sedekah berkeliling kota.



Selain sebagai kepala biara, U Pandavamsa adalah Sekretaris Jenderal Young Monks Union (Sangha Sammagi) wilayah Rangoon, salah satu eksponen dari lima asosiasi biksu yang tergabung dalam Aliansi Seluruh Biksu Burma, yang menyokong demonstrasi menentang junta tiga pekan lalu.

"Ia telah memainkan perannya dengan gagah berani," ujar Ko Swe, yang melihat langsung biksu berusia 38 tahun itu memimpin unjuk rasa jalanan yang merenggut korban 10 orang tewas tersebut.

Pandavamsa telah kenyang asam-garam perlawanan terhadap junta. Ia pernah menghabiskan delapan setengah tahun hidupnya di penjara junta militer gara-gara pada 1997 ia memimpin aksi menolak sumbangan dari Jenderal Saw Maung, presiden dan ketua komite 15 jenderal dari Dewan Hukum Pemulihan Tatanan Negara (SLORC) di era sebelum kekuasaan Jenderal Than Shwe saat ini.

"Kami sudah tidak mempunyai harapan untuk memperoleh demokrasi di Burma. Kami hidup dalam suasana teror," ujar Pandavamsa ketika saya mengunjunginya setahun lalu di Pagoda Ah Thi Ti, masih di dalam kompleks Biara Shwe Taung Maw.



"Hampir semua aktor kehidupan sosial-politik telah dibuat lemah oleh rezim. Tidak hanya Liga Demokrasi Nasional (NLD, partai pimpinan Aung San Suu Kyi), tapi juga kelompok seperti mahasiswa, pers, lembaga swadaya masyarakat, dan komunitas para biksu," ujar Pandavamsa.

Menurut Pandavamsa, semua aktor kehidupan masyarakat sipil di Burma saat ini telah dibonsai oleh junta militer. Para aktivis politik NLD rontok satu per satu, menyatakan keluar dari partai karena beban teror yang keras dari junta.



Para aktivis mahasiswa dari generasi 1988 juga tercerai-berai. Sebagian besar dari mereka hidup dalam trauma politik yang berkepanjangan. Sebagian lagi menderita sakit jiwa karena menyaksikan 3.000 temannya dibantai di depan mata.

Sementara itu, "Para mahasiswa baru di Universitas Yangoon semakin hari semakin jauh dari politik. Mereka banyak yang mengira Aung San Suu Kyi itu bintang film cantik Burma," ujar Aye Naing, mantan aktivis mahasiswa dari generasi 1988 yang sekarang memilih mengasingkan diri di Chiang Mai, Thailand Utara.



Pers sepenuhnya juga dikuasai junta. Dua stasiun televisi, yakni MTV (Myawaddy Television) dan MRTV (Myanmar Radio and Television), dikuasai junta militer. Dua stasiun radio di Rangoon dikuasai Dewan Pemerintah Kota Rangoon. Tabloid menjadi hak penerbitan kepolisian dan koran New Lights Myanmar diterbitkan pemerintah.

Beragam media swasta biasanya hanya memberitakan peristiwa olahraga atau hiburan internasional, dan tak berani sedikit pun menyentuh masalah politik. Para wartawan kritis di Rangoon, karena frustrasi atas represi yang kuat, memilih menerbitkan majalah tentang kecantikan, yakni Beauty Magazine, agar tetap bisa menyambung hidup.



"Di kantor kami ada seorang letnan kolonel dan seorang kapten yang turut bekerja sebagai kolumnis rubrik kesehatan dan tenaga pemasaran," ujar Myo Zaw, wartawan Beauty Magazine, di Rangoon.

Sementara itu, jaringan Internet sewaktu-waktu putus selama berminggu-minggu di seluruh Burma. Harga sewa Internet di sana sekitar Rp 10 ribu per jam dan terbilang mahal.



Lembaga swadaya masyarakat pun tak diizinkan berkembang di Burma. "Karena di sini memang tak ada birokrasi perizinan. Kalau tidak hati-hati, sewaktu-waktu bisa saja kami langsung digerebek," ujar Alan Shaw, intelektual Kristen Burma yang menyukai buku-buku karya dua tokoh militer Indonesia: Jenderal T.B. Simatupang dan Jenderal A.H. Nasution. Ia aktivis LSM dari Gereja Baptist di Rangoon yang aktif membela isu minoritas suku Karen... more...

Publised at Koran Tempo daily, http://korantempo.com

Alms and the Monks

By Wahyuana

RANGOON – They are known for their peaceful and tranquil ways and teachings, which is perhaps why Burma’s thousands of monks have chosen to show their disapproval of the ruling military junta simply by “overturning the bowl.” For this, thousands of them have been arrested and jailed.

In 1990, a conclave of senior Burmese Buddhist monks decided to boycott alms from the military regime. The patam nikkujjana kamma --overturning the bowl -- as the boycott is known in Buddhist religious scripture, was in response to a military crackdown that year in the central city of Mandalay. There had gathered thousands of monks who wanted to mark the second anniversary of Burma’s August 1988 pro-democracy uprising.

A number of monks were killed and hundreds arrested during the 1990 military action in Mandalay. At least 3,000 more were imprisoned later for refusing to accept donations from military personnel as part of the patam nikkujjana kamma. Similar action would be taken on more monks in subsequent years for the same “offence.”

The alms ritual is one of the most important in Theravada Buddhism and a monk’s refusal to accept signifies moral degeneration of the alms giver.

The 1990 alms boycott has been the most radical political action by Burma’s Buddhist sangha (monastic order), says U Pandavamsa, secretary of the Young Monks Union (Sangha Sammagi) for Upper Burma that organised the pattam nikujjana kamma declaration.

“The declaration is binding on every monk in Burma,” he says. The boycott, decided by highly respected senior monks known as Auwadasariya, requires monks to refuse alms from military personnel and not to perform religious rites for them. The pattam nikujjana kamma is regulated by the Vinaya, the 227 disciplinary rules for monks laid down in the third of the three Buddhist Tipitika religious scriptures.

The monks are well aware of the harm the boycott could bring to them. But U Pandavamsa, who once spent more than eight years in jail for being among those who refused donations from the country’s military rulers, also says, “History shows that this action can topple a ruler.”
...more...

http://seapabkk.org/

The Burmese Way to Buddhism

By Wahyuana

RANGOON -- “Sadhu, sadhu, sadhu (good, good, good),” the maroon-robed monk with shaven head chants softly as he receives the offerings with a bow, not looking at the alms giver. It is early morning in the former Burmese capital and Ain Daw Bar Tha is in the middle of the daily alms ritual for Buddhist monks.

He puts the 50 kyats someone has given him in the black thabaik (alms bowl), which holds offerings from other houses. By 9:00 a.m., Ain Daw Bar Tha has visited 12 families and collected 600 kyats (about half a dollar) in alms. This will buy him a bowl of rice, curry, and a mango for lunch, which he must have by 11:00 a.m., the last meal of the day for Buddhist monks. The remaining money will be used to buy food for the next morning or donated to his monastery.

Ain Daw Bar Tha later takes a bus to his monastery or kyaung in Mya Thein Tan on the outskirts of Rangoon, where he lives and has been studying Buddhism for six years. He does not pay for the trip. Public transport is free for monks (hpongyi) as their presence is considered auspicious for the journey, says Aung San Myint, who drives an express bus between Rangon and the northern city of Mandalay.

Life may be harsh in Burma, one of the poorest nations in Southeast Asia, but Buddhism remains alive and well in the country that has 90 percent of its people identifying themselves as Theravada Buddhists. Islam and Christianity, meanwhile, each claim four percent of Burmese as among their believers, while Hindus and animists each make up one percent of the country’s population.

Yet while the sight of monks receiving alms signals the continued presence of Buddhism in a country that is better known for its authoritarian rulers, how it is being done these days also shows that the faith – or at least how it is practised – has undergone some changes to adjust to the times.

Money instead of food

The alms ritual is one of the most important practices in Theravada Buddhism. Ashin Mahinda, senior monk of Mandalay’s Mahagandhayone monastery, explains that giving and receiving alms spiritually links the layperson and the monk. It is one of 227 rituals prescribed for monks in the Vinaya, the third part of the Buddhist Tipitaka scripture. Buddhist nuns (thilashin) have to observe 311 Vinaya rituals...more...

http://seapabkk.org/

Friday, August 03, 2007

A Burmese Monk’s Reflections on the Struggle for Democracy

By Wahyuana*
Published at www.asiamediaforum.org

Buddhist monk U Pandavamsa spent eight years and four months as a prisoner of Burma’s military junta. Along with 300 monks, his colleagues in Nga Hut Gyi monastery in Rangoon, Pandavamsa was picked up in 1997 for refusing to accept alms donated by the ruling junta. The donation was given by senior general Saw Maung, chairman of the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC) to hundreds of monasteries in Rangoon.

U Pandavamsa is now head of the Shwe Taung monastery, one of the biggest monasteries in a 10-monastery compound in the capital city. He is also the secretary general of the Young Monks Union (Sangha Sammagi), an organisation of about 80,000 young monks that works for public education and the promotion of Buddhism.

Below is an interview with U Pandavamsa on the role of Buddhist monks in Burma.

Young monks have been playing an important role in Burma’s modern politics. What is the role of the monks in democratisation issues in Burma?

We are not very hopeful at the moment. We are still traumatised by the deaths of hundreds of young monks and students in 1988, as well as the mass shootings and arrest of monks in Rangoon and Mandalay. Almost every year, many monks are arrested and jailed by the junta because they refuse to accept donations from military and government officers and their families. Monasteries and monks’ activities are under observation and are tightly controlled by the junta’s intelligence personnel. Religious ceremonies need to have permission first from the government.

In 2001, the government through the Sangha Mahanayaka Committee (the state’s Buddhist monks organisation) release Order No. 15/2001, banning monks who have been released from prison to don their robes again. We are not afraid to be imprisoned but we cannot imagine ourselves not donning our robes ever again.

Do monks who have served jail sentences have to sign a letter stating that he promises not to get involved in political activities once he gets out? Is a monk obliged to have a legal identity card?

Yes, but this contract letter is just for the head monks of famous and influential monasteries. Monks, though, are required to have identity cards released by the Sangha Mahanayaka Committee. The committee can revoke the card anytime if a monk is found to be participating in political acts.

What are your thoughts about civil society organisations in Burma now?


Public and civil society organizations, including the National Democratic League and Buddhist religious groups, have been weakened by the junta’s repressive acts. The government’s new capital in Pyanmana is under tight control by the military. There is much pressure on the Burmese people because of this.

How does the concept of democracy figure in Burma’s Buddhist teachings?

The sangha (monk’s community) is very enthusiastic and supports the democratisation process in the country because democracy is in line with the Buddha’s dhamma teaching. Democracy in Buddhism is recognised as ‘sutta’. ‘Metta sutta’ directly gives attention to the humanitarian approach democracy. Buddhist monks have a motto in their struggle for democracy, and this is to not tackle each other and not to hurt one another. This is becoming a social ethics base of the democratic struggle of Burmese monks.


Religion has played an important role in democracy and social change in many Asian countries. In the Philippines, the late Roman Catholic archbishop Cardinal Sin led the fight for democracy against the Marcos dictatorship in 1986 via the People Power Revolution. In Indonesia, we have the Islamic cleric Abdurahman Wahid. In Tibet, the Dalai Lama led freedom movement. What can you say about the role of Buddhist monks in Burma?


Religion has been playing an important role in the public life of the Burmese and monks are always involved in the evolution of the social process. But maybe our way is different. We cannot follow the way of terrorism and extremism in the struggle for democracy. The dhamma in Buddhism’s Tipitaka textbooks prohibits every Buddhist to commit violence. The monks’ boycott of donations was, in fact, the most extreme political action they have done in the history of their political involvement.

The monks try to avoid staging street demonstrations or joining the resistance movement. Rather, they try to be mediators to a dialogue between opposing parties and help out find a resolution to a problem. The hardest form of struggle for monks is staging a boycott or refusing to participate in religious ceremonies with people perceived to be having a ‘social problem’ like the military junta officials.

If we take the lesson from the political struggle of the Tibetan Buddhist sangha in Mongolia, for example, when it’s really necessary, monks can directly participate in the struggle for democracy. In the British colonialism era, the Burmese Buddhist sangha was very active in the struggle for freedom.

Almost every year, we read about reports on violent attacks on religious minority members such as Christians and Islam in Burma. How do you assess religious tolerance in Burma?

My personal relations with other religious leaders are good. Whenever we have a major Buddhist religious celebration such as the Thadingyut Festival (Candle Festival), we always invite imams and priests. If Christians celebrate Christmas, for instance, we are also invited to participate. It’s the same thing with the Islamic religion. For example, before they start the reading of the Qur’an, they send us food and also give donations. We don’t have problems with other religions, despite the cases of violence against religious minorities.
***

(*This article is being reprinted with the permission of the author who produced the story under the South-east Asian Press Alliance’s journalism fellowship programme in 2006.)

Thursday, July 05, 2007

Burma Young Monk: We are Hopeless to Get Democracy

by Wahyuana


U Pandavamsa, picture taken in Rangon)

U Pandavamsa has experienced life 8 years 4 months to serving a sentence in the prison of Burma military junta, about 3 years in the biggest Insein prison, Rangoon and 5 years 4 months in the Tehyeit prison, Touwingyi, at middle Burma. He catched by military junta officer in the year 1997 with 300 monks his colleagues in Nga Htut Gyi monastery, Rangoon. When around the 1.010 monks were gathered to refuse donation alms from the government junta. The donation were given by Senior General Saw Maung, Chairman of State Law and Order Restoration Council ( SLORC) to hundreds monasteries in Rangoon.

Now U Pandavamsa is head of Shwe Taung monastery, one of the biggest monastery of tens monasteries compound at near train station in Rangoon, Burma. " We refuse donation because we are still commitment to the statement boycott to government of "patam nikkujjana kamma" agreement which has been reading in Mandalay that still applies until now," says U Pandavamsa.

He is also as Secretary General of the Young Monks Union (Sangha Sammagi) for region Lower Burma. The organization have member about 80.000 young monks and have activities to working for public education and Buddhist religion serving. From the Ah Thiti Tazaung pagoda, in Rangoon, the Young Monks Union have an office room and running their program activities.

"We are not under ground organization," says U Zawana, friend of U Pandavamsa and the Chairman of the Young Monks Union Lower Burma.

This is an interview with U Pandavamsa on the role of Buddhist monks in Burma under military junta recently.

Ask: The young monks has been playing important role in history of Burma modern politics. How about the role of monks in Burma democratization issues now?

Answer: We are hopeless to get democracy now. We are still very traumatic with event the field killing of hundreds young monks and students university in demonstration protest which known as 8888 national tragedy. Also the event of monks mass shooting and monks arrested in Rangoon and Mandalay. Almost every year any tens monks was catched and jailed by junta. The catched just caused they are boycott and refuse to receive donation from the military or government officer and military families. Recently every monastery living under observes and tightly controlled by intelligent junta personnel. All activities of monks must be having permission from government though just a religious ceremony. Since 2001 the government through the Sangha Mahanayaka Committee (A state’s Buddhist monk organization) was release a regulation of Order No. 15/2001 that started implemented on 2006. The regulation said that the monks banned to wearing his robe again after he is released from the prison. The regulation is really made fright for the young monks. We are not afraid to serving a sentence in the prison, but we will afraid if banned to wear our pride of monk robe.

Ask: Does the monks also must be sign a letter permission contract that he must be promise to not involve in politics activities? And is he obliged to have a monk legal identity card?

Answer : Yes. We sign a contract letter explains that we was promised to not involve in politics. But this sign contract letter is just for the head monks of the famous and influential monasteries. Not for all the monasteries. The monks also must be having a monk identity card. The cards are released by Sangha Mahanayaka Committee. Anytime, the card can be abstracted by the Sangha Mahanayaka Committee if the monk deemed has been involving in politics. (U Pandavamsa show his monk identity card. In his card written; his name, his father, home address and his monastery address).

Ask: How about the situation of civil society organization others?

Answer: The fact, life of all public and civil society organizations inside Burma has been successfully to be weakening by junta. Weak and weak all everything, not only to the opposition party of the National Democratic League ( NLD) Party, but also for all civilian groups, including the Buddhist religion organizations. The Government was moved the state's capital from Rangoon to Pyanmana, in Middle Burma. The new capital under tightly controlled by intelligent military. The Burmese peoples self can not going to enter there. So now not any again the internal politics pressure from Burmese peoples himself to junta government.

Ask: In ideologically how about the idea of democracy in Burma Buddhism teaching.


Answer: Sangha (monk’s community) very enthusiastic and supports the democratization process in this country, because the democracy is in the line with Buddha's Dhamma teaching. Since 2500 years ago the idea of Buddha is not only about the living of monks but rather important than that is for all human being. A value of democracy in Buddhism is recognized as 'sutta'. Metta Sutta is directly give attention to the humanitarian approach to the democracy. A motto of the struggle of Burma Buddhist monks for democracy that is the democracy is not to tackle each other and not to be hurt by means of one's to another. This is becoming a social ethic base of democratic struggle of Burma monks.

Ask: Lesson from number Asian countries that the religion has playing important role in democracy and social change. In Philippine we were known the democratization leadership of Cardinal Sin of Catholic bishop. In Indonesia we were known Abdurahman Wahid of Islamic cleric. Or in Tibet we were known Bhiksu Dalai Lama to Mongolia freedom movement. So, how about the role of Buddhist monks in Burma.

Answer: The same. Religion also has been playing important role in public life of Burmese. We are the monks always involving in every the evolution social process. But maybe the way of struggle is different. In Buddhism teaching we can not take terrorism way and the extremism view for the democracy struggle. In "Dhamma" of Tipitaka textbook are prohibits to every Buddhist to take action a terrorism way and doing violence action. Actually, the statement of politics boycott as written in ' the pattam nikkujjana kamma ' agreement from the Sangha is culminating radical and the hardest political view of the Burma monks political movements. In history, the boycott monks to government have been proven effectively to drop the power regime.
But the recent Burma military regime does not want listen the voice of monks.

The monks political expression actually is not in form a stage demonstration in the street or a direct struggle resistance to the enemies. The role of monks is as mediator to a dialogue or lobbies to give resuscitation. The hardest struggle form is boycott or refuse to give serving the Buddhist prayer ceremonial to men who we assume have a social problem like as the military officer recently. This isn’t just applied in relation with the political actors, but also in a cultural relation of each others personal relations in social life.

If we are taking a lesson from the political struggle of Tibetan Buddha Sangha in Mongolia as an example, actually, if it's required by situation of repression power, the monks actually enabled can take a position direct participate in the struggle in the field struggle. The monks may to be involved in political struggle. That is can become an example that the Buddhist religion also has attention to democracy. In the British colonialism era, the Burma Buddha Sangha is one of exponents most actives on struggle to the freedom, but recently we involve in the silent struggle.

Ask: Almost every year any a report that was happen a violence and attack to religion minority others like to Christian or Islam in Burma. How about the religion tolerance in Burma?

Answer: Till now my relation with the other religion leaders at around this monastery is good. If any Buddhist religion party like as the Thadingyut Festival (the candle festival), we always invite the imams Islam and also the Christian priest from around there to following the party. If any Christian religion party like the Christmas, we are also celebrate it. And so do if there any an Islamic religion party is like tradition the reading of Qur’an, its usually before the event started they were sent to us various food and also give us the donation. Relation each others of the leaders religion in around there is no problem. Sometime there is any case the religion minority violence but doesn't influence a good relation of our religion brotherhood here. ***

Burma Buddhist Monks Fear Losing His Robe

By Wahyuana



(Monks at Mahagondayone Monastery, Mandalay, North Burma)

U Mahawthada is a young monk in Mandalay Hill monasteries complex, at Mandalay, about 500 mill north Rangon, Burma. Through his small radio he is stealth listen Burma politics broadcast with his friends. “Radio is cheap way to know what was happened in Burma," says Mahawthada. Usually, he got politics information from the radio BBC London, VOA (Voice of America) and DVB (Democratic Voice of Burma) from Norway. Mahawthada don’t like to hear or reading the mainstream Burmese media, because biased on political view, they only broadcast news which have positive view on the military junta. They will censor information on Aung San Suu Kyi information, on NLD (National League for Democracy) and on exponent's pro- democracy movement others. “A joke on the media inside Burma they are just make report on Sittar-sittar, Playar-playar, Thardu-thardu (mean is Pagoda-pagoda, Army-army, Donation-donation),” smile Mahawthada.

But I am in Burma not to make stories on the media. There I would make coverage on Burma Buddhist monks. For its reason I meet with Mahawtada. He refuses to make an interview with his real name. U Mahawtada is his title name as a monk from the Sanskrit language Buddhist tradition.

According U Mahawthada now the Burma military junta is being in a state of its strongest. It’s nothing any resistance from the groups of pro democracy movement from the inside Burma. "Most of all pro democracy groups in Burma has been successfully to be keeping quiet and to be weak by military junta. Not only the opposition group of NLD (National League for Democratic Party) which been ended, but also all groups of civil society, including the Sangha (monks community). But we are the monks still have a lucky because the Sangha still is strongest traditional power in the Burmese society. So now are only the monks which still have chance to make political change for the democracy," said Mahawthada. ..more...

Buddhist monk in throughout Burma is estimated reach 3% of total population peoples. With total population now 53 million peoples estimated there are any 1.500.000 Buddhist monks (hpongyi) and nuns (woman monks/thillasin). They are usually living together in close monasteries, any around 51.000 monasteries and pagodas at throughout Burma. Interesting on Sagaing Hill, South Mandalay is a complex where around 11.000 monks and 3.000 nuns live in hundreds monasteries in a cool, peace, and quiet mountains area -- really an exotic place. Buddha Theravada in Burma is majority religion about 90% of population.

In Burma are to be a monk not just for the men. Many women also waste her life for service as nuns. "In the last decade, the poorness has been cause many young women decided to choose her life to be nuns. The number nuns are increasing twofold compared to decades before. To be nuns is the best choice for the rural women that would been given her a guarantee to got free of food, clothes, and stay in monasteries at safe area," says Thiha Saw, a senior journalist and chief editor of Myanma Dana economic weekly magazine, at Rangon.

Monks Identity Card
The Burma junta is tightly controlled and observed to every all monks activities in monasteries. "We don't have a freedom religion. The military government places an intelligent military officer in every monastery to observing all the monk's activities. Each activity of the monks must be have a permission from the government though it just a religious ceremony," says U Pandavamsa, secretary general of the Young Monks Union for region the Lower Burma, in Rangon.

While according U Wayama, a monk in Swe Dagon pagoda, Rangon, said that the junta now only regulate the state Sangha Mahanayaka Committee as one of legal Buddhist monks organization. Swe Dagon Pagoda is the biggest pagoda in Burma from the 10 century heritage and it is center of Burma Buddhist spiritualism reference.

The committee of Sangha Mahanayaka has member 47 senior monks, which has been selected from a 300 senior monks council. The 300 senior monks council has selected by 1.400 monks representative from every province, sub province, district and representation of the famous and influential monasteries.

The state's Sangha Mahanayaka committee has capacity to arranging and observing to all activities of the monks. The body formed in the national level, province, sub-province, and the village level. Coordination operation under the Burma Religion Departments, the Sangha Mahanayaka has been entitled to release a monk identity card.

Many monks refuse the system of monks identity card. They said that the regulation just to limits monks activities mainly to make them far from the political activities. “Because the monks community (Sangha) is a cultural power that have potential to against junta,” said U Wayama.

Some monks argue that they are refuse with this state regulation because its opposite with the Vinaya of Tipitaka Buddhist textbook. ”Everyone has a basic right to experience his life as a monk. They aren't need permission to decide his life as a monk. Now any many monks who aren't to be member the Sangha Mahanayaka Committee because they are disagrees with existence a super power regulation body monk. They aren't confessed as a monks and alleged as a rebel," says U Pandavamsa, he shows his identity card monk.

Base note of the Young Monks Union region the Lower Burma, the state Sangha Mahanayaka Committee also have release a regulation of Order No. 15/2001 that was implemented started 2006. The regulation is addressed to all monks that have being served a sentence in the prison. The regulation said that the monks banned wearing his robe again after he is free from the prison. These regulations really make fright the young monks. "We are not afraid to living in the prison, but we are afraid if banned to wear our pride of monk robe. The monk robe is an identity of my life," he told.

Tate Naing, Secretary of Assistance Association for Political Prisoners Burma ( AAPP) in Chiang Mai, North Thailand, said estimated there is any about 3.000 political detainees in serving a sentence in hundreds Burma military prisons which scattered in throughout Burma. Around 300 detainees are Buddhist monks. “In custody they are treated like as a criminal prisoner. They are prohibited to wear their pride of Buddha robes," said Tate Naing

Burma Boycott Monks

Monk is cultural political power in Burma. But under junta regime they are go to the wall. Sangha (monk community) is a potential power to make bargaining political movement with the government. But under regulation the junta many peoples assumed they have been apathetic to the politic.

Ashin Zagara, he is head of senior monks at Chauk Htat Kye monastery at Rangoon and also as an editor of Damma Yeik Magazine --a popular local Burmese monthly magazine on Buddhism. He said actually the Burmese monks are not apathetic to the various political problems and the grief of life Burmese peoples under power the junta.

Zagara said, historically, the Burmese Buddhist monks always playing important role in the politics and social change. While Burma under power of King Naraphistu (1173-1210) in Bagan, at middle Burma, the Buddha Sangha is very actively to advocating the public life of peoples. The King Naraphistu has an ambitious to build a big Pagoda. He is applies a regulation which obligate for all men to compulsory work build the pagodas. The Sangha is boycotting its King policy, because the compulsory work system has made peoples to be poor. The Buddha Sangha boycott to give serving ceremonial prayer to the King families, because the King policy was acted arbitrary to his peoples.

While in history of Burma modern, the Young Monks Association (YMA) in the beginning of century 20 is the first organization and an exponent in struggle movement to Burma freedom from the British colonialism. The young monks are take a fights because they feel have been affronted by the British government officers which refuse to take off their shoes when they are enter to pagodas or monasteries.

But it’s a struggle democracy inspiring from the past. How it’s in the contemporary era? U Pandavamsa said the struggle of Tibetan Budha Mahayana in Mongolia under leadership Bhiksu Dalai Lama is a good inspiration on Buddhism political struggle for democracy. “The bhiksu in Tibet involves directly in leadership of political movement. They become main actor in struggle against regime. But in Burma we can not take its method. Very dangerous,” he said.

A senior journalist in Rangon, Thiha Saw, said, the role of politics monks in Burma is a cultural politics movement. "The method of the struggle Burma monks for democracy in Burma is make criticizes to the government by media, support indirectly to opposition party, and boycott to the junta," he said.

A top role monk in Burma democracy recently is a bloody event of the Mandalay monks bloodies in 1990. When tens of monks were dies by shot and hundreds was catched by military junta. When around 7000 monks' was gathered to celebrate second anniversary the student pro- democracy demonstrations of 8888 national bloodies tragedy. In the event also around 3110 monks was arrested and jailed by junta.

Eventful of the Mandalay monks bloodies 1990 was coordinated by the Young Monks Union (Sangha Sammagi). The leader is U Yewata, In the event was expressed a declaration "Pattam Nikujjana Kamma," agreement. That is a Buddhist monk important statement to refuses alms donation from the personnel military and their families. The all-Burmese monks agree to break off the spiritualism relation with military families. And the monks refuse to give serving the religious ceremony prayer to military families. Because they have assume that military junta personals was in outside of religion line and humanity. The military was done killing mass of thousands student demonstrator in 1988.

This statement is very important. In the Burmese Buddhist Terravada society, the ritual of giving alms from a layman to the monks in every morning is one of important parts of Buddhist rituals. The ritual alms bowl is marks of spiritual relations between a layperson and the monks that will help us to determine a place in heaven in next life after dies. Statement boycott monks of Pattam Nikujjana Kamma are a big ignominy and the fall of morale of one and their families.

The statement Pattam Nukkujana Kamma confessed in holy book of Buddha is Tipitaka, like arranged in section 262 of Vinaya book.

According U Pandavamsa, Secretary General the Young Monks Union ( Sangha Samaggi) for region Lower Burma. This statement is still applying until now. The committee compiler of Pattam Nikujjana Kamma is a team of respectable senior monks. They are representation from the famous and influential monasteries from throughout Burma.

They are U Tilawkar Biwuntha (head of Insein Ywama monastery), U Thumingalar Linkara (head of Mahar Ghandaryone monastery), U Nyarna Wuntha (head of Maydini monastery), U Panditha Biwuntha (head of Maharbawdi monastery), U Tanza Wunda (head of Ma Soe Yein Nu monastery), Ashin Aingitha (head of Parli Karyi monastery), U Wantha Wanpandi (head of Maggin monastery), U Waryamandar Biwuntha (head of Shwe Phone Pwint monastery), U Byanma Thini (monk of Shwe Phone Pwint monastery), and U Kaw Thanla (monk of Shwe Phone Pwint monastery).

The statement is still applying until now. In year 2003, about 26 monks were catched with brutally by military junta officer in Mahar Gondhayone monastery at Kabaraye, Rangon, because they are also boycott to receive alms from the government. The Mahar Gandhayone is the biggest monastery and most influential in Burma. Till now, every year any tens monks have been catched and jailed by junta Estimated there is about 300 Burma monks in the prisons because boycott alms from the military junta now.

"The boycott monks are a culminating strategy democracy movement of monks. This is a highest political morale movement of political Burma Buddhist Sangha," said U Pandavamsa.***

Monday, March 26, 2007

Why many Police commit suicide by his shoot gun


by Wahyuana

Jakarta - Police Brigadir Fadli Mondra, member brigade mobile police special force (Brimob) of West Sumatra, today (20/3) shooting his gun to himself. Two bullets was precise hit his chin and he dies some minutes then. Quoted from detik.com his police friend’s said that Brigadir Fadli is surfer stresses because his wife gets nephritis annually without any resolution.

This is adding chain many cases on police commit suicide in last a months. Last week at Semarang City police, Central Java, a brigadier police also shooting his superior police by his gun and some minutes then he is doing commit suicide by himself shooting.

On two week ago, Brigadir Rifa’i at Bangkalan, Madura, was shooting himself by his gun after he shoot dead to four his close friend in his home, it’s because he is very jealously that someone of them have affair with his wife.

Another case a week ago at Bandung, West Java, Brigadir Sofyan, was shooting himself because he was bungle use his gun. Two bullets were shot and hit his neck himself.

Quoted from detik.com, Bambang Widodo Umar, an expert police, said that Indonesian police working in high level stress because they are overloaded on the job. “They are must be played the part as a security guard and also have job as a law enforcer,” said Bambang. He is proposes to the police body to make routine psychological test every three months to all's police member. ***